We can also see this through the context of the letter; that King wants freedom for African Americans.
While confined here in the Birmingham city jail, I came across your recent statement calling my present activities "unwise and untimely. If I sought to answer all the criticisms that cross my desk, my secretaries would have little time for anything other than such correspondence in the course of the day, and I would have no time for constructive work.
But since I feel that you are men of genuine good will and that your criticisms are sincerely set forth, I want to try to answer your statement in what I hope will be patient and reasonable terms.
I think I should indicate why I am here in Birmingham, since you have been influenced by the view which argues against "outsiders coming in. We have some eighty five affiliated organizations across the South, and one of them is the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights.
Frequently we share staff, educational and financial resources with our affiliates. Several months ago the affiliate here in Birmingham asked us to be on call to engage in a nonviolent direct action program if such were deemed necessary.
We readily consented, and when the hour came we lived up to our promise. So I, along with several members of my staff, am here because I was invited here. I am here because I have organizational ties here. But more basically, I am in Birmingham because injustice is here. Just as the prophets of the eighth century B.
Like Paul, I must constantly respond to the Macedonian call for aid. Moreover, I am cognizant of the interrelatedness of all communities and states. I cannot sit idly by in Atlanta and not be concerned about what happens in Birmingham. Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.
We are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny. Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly.
Never again can we afford to live with the narrow, provincial "outside agitator" idea. Anyone who lives inside the United States can never be considered an outsider anywhere within its bounds. You deplore the demonstrations taking place in Birmingham. But your statement, I am sorry to say, fails to express a similar concern for the conditions that brought about the demonstrations.
I am sure that none of you would want to rest content with the superficial kind of social analysis that deals merely with effects and does not grapple with underlying causes. It is unfortunate that demonstrations are taking place in Birmingham, but it is even more unfortunate that the city's white power structure left the Negro community with no alternative.
In any nonviolent campaign there are four basic steps: We have gone through all these steps in Birmingham.
There can be no gainsaying the fact that racial injustice engulfs this community. Birmingham is probably the most thoroughly segregated city in the United States.
Its ugly record of brutality is widely known. Negroes have experienced grossly unjust treatment in the courts.
There have been more unsolved bombings of Negro homes and churches in Birmingham than in any other city in the nation. These are the hard, brutal facts of the case. On the basis of these conditions, Negro leaders sought to negotiate with the city fathers.
But the latter consistently refused to engage in good faith negotiation. Then, last September, came the opportunity to talk with leaders of Birmingham's economic community.
In the course of the negotiations, certain promises were made by the merchants--for example, to remove the stores' humiliating racial signs.
On the basis of these promises, the Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth and the leaders of the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights agreed to a moratorium on all demonstrations.Martin Luther King Jr.’s letter contains good use of logos, pathos, and ethos to support his.
point of view.
He has a clear intended audience for the clergy and white moderate. This audience was probably persuaded by his letter because of his good use of rhetorical devices and valid information and evidence that the demonstration was. It gives the segregator a false sense of superiority and the segregated a false sense of inferiority.
Segregation, to use the terminology of the Jewish philosopher Martin Buber, substitutes an "I it" relationship for an "I thou" relationship and ends up relegating persons to the status of things.
Rhetorical Analysis of Martin Luther King's "I Have A Dream" speech and Abraham Lincoln's "Gettysburg Address" "I Have A Dream" Background The March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom took place in Washington, D.C., on August 28, Martin Luther King Jr. his usage of Ethos, Pathos and Logos On August 28, one of the most powerful speeches was given by Martin Luther King Jr.
on behalf of Colored people’s rights. “I Have a Dream” was delivered on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial to more than , people. Martin Luther King Jr.’s letter contains good use of logos, pathos, and ethos to support his. point of view. He has a clear intended audience for the clergy and white moderate.
This audience was probably persuaded by his letter because of his good use of rhetorical devices and valid information and evidence that the demonstration was. Ethos- "Letter from Birmingham Jail" Examples of Ethos By: Martin Luther King Jr. "One may well ask: “How can you advocate breaking some laws and obeying others?” The answer lies in the fact that there are two types of laws: just and unjust".
() "But since I feel that you are.